Genesis of Manipur crisis lies in diversity and 'pluralisation of claims'

Nirendra Dev *

DC, Kohima, Late L V Reddy once said - "Let all the flowers bloom"

There are multiple reasons that are being attributed for the crisis in Manipur. The rich diversity of northeastern region is often a strength; but these pose challenges too and the latest fracas that has unfolded raises the same old questions raised from time to time.

One is aware of the strong elements of 'us' and 'they' syndromes. Some years back while working on these inherent issues between two and more communities in another northeastern state (not Manipur), I was told by an expert that the 'logic of us and the ideology of others' motivates the root cause of identity politics in the north east. And here lies the real challenge.

It goes without stating that each state and especially some vulnerable 'sub regions' within each state in the northeastern region represents a bewildering 'mosaic' of identities. There are cultural, religious, linguistic and ethnic differences which not only across one another but they also 'overlap'.

As a result, sociologists say, "an atmosphere of mistrust" is generated. Hence Manoj Sakhrani of Shillong says, "One should not be surprised if communal tensions flare up in one corner of the region from time to time. The real surprise is with the scale of it and how authorities not only fail to resolve but they complicate the muddled waters".

The 'other' is seen as a challenger of one's right to education and jobs. The pluralization of claims by ethnic communities over the resources of one state or the other constitutes the core of politics.

This obvious fact automatically leads one to understand the importance of 'competitive electoral politics'. As a result there is a process of 'mobilisation' of votes -- this dictates identity terrains and also the cultural and socio-economic concerns of multiple communities.

If Meiteis and Kukis have clashed lately; in the 1990s the Kukis and Nagas had issues over land domination and on other parameters like jobs. In the 1970s, the state of Assam saw a typical anti-Bengali stir.

Meghalaya capital Shillong has also witnessed parochial violence leading to people quitting the state for good. Mizoram has issues with Brus and Vai Naupangs (outsiders). There are multiple such examples in Nagaland. In the 1990s during the peak of Naga-Kuki clashes, I accompanied a Good Will Ministerial Team deputed by Chief Minister S C Jamir to Peren and Athibung area.

The Team incidentally was led by incumbent Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio. Former Deputy Commissioner, Kohima, L V Reddy and Congress veteran from Phek, Zachulihu were also part of the team.

Reddy, who was later brutally murdered in Kohima, in his remarks at a public meeting had said, "The beauty of a garden is in different flowers and let all the flowers bloom together". Zachilihu was much impressed with Reddy's remarks and had congratulated him at the venue itself.

To live through this spirit, people need to reconcile to the human civilization's oldest asset of 'Give and Share' theory. But in today's world, it is a difficult proposition, more so in an era when once easily available government-secured jobs have done a vanishing act.

Hence the 'assertion' of identity has also begun to display different shades of neo-cultural identities and even nationalism. We thus have conflicts emanating from multiple sources -- first between different communities and then at different layers between clans up to between ethnic groups and against the discourse of composite nationalism. ENPO has Eastern Nagaland and there are two other demarcations - Tenyimi and Central Nagaland regions.

The 'nation building' is thus a very big challenge and cannot be comprehended by intellectuals and experts who base their knowledge either on western ideas or the ideological moorings of north India where polity is also largely about caste and Hindu-Muslim divide. There are 'experts' (sic) in Delhi who after one visit to Guwahati or even Kishanganj (in Bihar) claim they know the northeastern region.

Unlike the rest of India and even to an extent unlike a broader South Asian concept; the reasons for 'conflicts' in north east India vary widely ranging from inter-ethnic conflicts to inter-community and separatist movements also guided by armed rebellion.

Closer analysis of developments unfolding in many states in the north east also brings to light another facet.

In many instances it is possible that the communities hitherto un-assertive (or passive by nature or default) could at some time come forward with their assertive claims.

But what should be the way to resolve the challenges which are only likely to recur from time to time.

Firstly, there is a need to understand that what has been experienced in Manipur is only a tip of the iceberg and is a symptom of a pattern. Secondly, authorities should sit together and workout a basic transition in governance patterns.

The good old fashion of 'over dependence' on New Delhi or the Union Home Ministry and then the whims and fancies of the Chief Ministers in respective states have to be done away with. The leaders must discourage use of money power in electoral politics and each chief minister must be ready to share powers with village and block level bodies.

It may not be erroneous to suggest that the powers under the 11th Schedule and 12th Schedule of the Constitution are to be effectively transferred to Panchayat Raj bodies.

The Union cabinet and state Chief Ministers must be ready to give up powers and responsibilities. The true federalism should be practiced and the influence of so-called Steel Frame - our Babudom - in creating problems and then delay resolving them - ought to be discouraged.

The 11th Schedule of the Constitution was added by the 73rd Amendment Act of 1992 and it has 29 matters- including Agriculture, Land improvement, land reforms, water management, animal husbandry and even social forestry and farm forestry and rural housing.

The 12th Schedule was added by the 74th Amendment Act. It has 18 matters including Urban planning including town planning, Roads and bridges, safeguarding the interests of weaker sections of society, including the handicapped and mentally retarded, Urban poverty alleviation and promotion of cultural, educational and aesthetic aspects.

But the Neta-Babu raj is keeping control. If these powers really come down at grassroots levels, what will the trouble maker Netas do in the state capitals?