Ethnic politics and territorial integrity of Manipur

Ceety Khongsai *

Proposed map of Nagalim and proposed Kuki State map : Pix - TSE

Ethnic diversity and ethnocentric politics of different ethnic groups, big or small, whether tribal or non-tribal has become the core reason of hill-valleyemotional divide since the 1940s and, the magnitude of this emotional ditch has clearly been manifested in the assertion of distinct entities by myriad ethnic groups as nations with aspiration of separate homeland (s) as fulfilment of their long cherished hope.

It can be inferred that ethnic politics of cynicism in Manipur is the outcome of gross misunderstanding of the UN's Charters on 'Right of self-determination of nations' and existence of UN parallel global body called ' Unrepresented Nations Peoples' Organisation' (UNPO) and its mounting pressure on UN member States vis-a-vis freedom movements in deve- loping and underdeveloped countries respectively.

Hence, this 'Right to Self-Determination of Nations' need to be re-defined in clearer terms as the words 'Self-Determination' is pregnant with meanings especially in a multi-ethnic State like Manipur. In fact, in the north east context, this 'Right to Self-Determination' has created new concept of nation as against the universally accepted definition of 'nations' and if this neo-nationalism propagated by the various ethnic groups ever succeed, balkanisation of Manipur's territorial boundary for establishment of Platonic sove0 reign states for all ethnic groups is inevitable.

But the process of dismemberment of existing topography of Manipur will not pass off smoothly by mere constitutional amendment procedures due to the fact that there is no land or territory in Manipur which is exclusively owned by any of the ethnic groups.

It will be practically impractical and historically unjustified to draw a demarcation on ethnic lines because history is a testimony to the fact that all ethnic groups originated from same ancestor and entered present Manipur in different historical periods.

Ethnic politics of diametrically oppositional ideologies of the three major communities- the Meiteis, the Kukis and the Nagas if viewed realistically lacks pragmatism rather shrouded with shallow ideas of ethnicism.

This narrowly conceived yet universally unacceptable notions of tribe based nationalism has held captive the intellectual minds of the people, the architect of human civilisation, due to fear of predictable inhuman atrocities perpetrated by the State and non-state actors for airing one's views.

And now, after decades of suppressive life with nothingness, many a brave hearts started questioning about the rationality and practicability of imagining of establishing three independent sovereign states within the same geographical area.

At its best, ethnic politics is a stratagem to bargain interests of one's community against other communities rather than true nationalism as understood in academic institutions. If this ethnic politics is based on true revolutionary ideologies then it is superfluous tohave numerous revolutionary outfits fighting for the same cause; had these revolutionary outfits truly been champions of the masses, there can be no 'home coming' ceremonies of their cadres before final victory. True revolutionaries sacrifice their lives at the Altar of motherland.

And, despite having chosen the uncompromising path of 'now or never' in their struggle for recognition as separate nation with unique history in the comity of nations, the armed outfits of the three communities maintain great stoicism by invoking true revolutionary spirit of respecting other revolutionary movements. What's the basis of this understanding and how long this unilateral truce among the armed outfits will last is not known by anyone, not even by the UG outfits themselves.

The only thing we can say with certainty is that Manipur reels under unpredictable future. Because this diplomatic stratagem of temporary truce unless glued together by emotional unity has the propensity to break down into full-scale humanitarian crisis, locally known as ethnic feuds, no sooner did any of the three major actors strike a singular peace deal with the GoI minus the other actors.

Practical experiences of half a century has unambiguously revealed the unceasing exclusive policies and imbalanced development programmesof numerically dominant Meitei ethnic group through applicationof democratic principle of 'majority rule' by successive Governments in the State Assembly where 40 is always greater than 19+1(20).

Benefits of 40 MLAs compared with 20 MLAs when calculated in terms of fund allocations and other beneficiaries clearly reflect hill-valley imbalances in all aspects of life.

On the other hand, whereas the total geographical areas covered by the hills are 80 percent and the valley are just 20 percent approximately, the 40/20 equation of fund allocations has become redundant.

Therefore, if we really are optimistic in bringing hill-valley unity, the majority community should play proactive role in bringing solution by working out mechanism where hill-valley grows simultaneously.

Policy framers and strategists should know that the greatest threat to Manipur's territorial integrity today is 'Trust Deficit' amongst the different ethnic groupswhere every tribe think and talk for their own community deliberately forgetting other tribes.

It's worthwhile remembering that the essence of human existence and civilisation is peace, and peace is the automatic outcome of emotional ties ingrained in the hearts of the people.

It is also pertinent to understand that in any history of a given society the role of the majority ethnic groups in bringing unity in the society is indisputable. When the majority community fail in their duty to act as harmonising therapy, there is disillusionment in the society; the minority people started losing confidence upon the majority community and there issense of alienationwhich ultimately led to a search for alternative arrangements outside the existing system.

It may sound too harsh to many sensible readersand some may even question the rationality of 'Exclusive Policy' as an eminent factor of hill-valley emotional divide. But, if one has a realistic view of how things are perceived by the majority Meiteis there are ample evidences which manifests this exclusive policy. Democracy and its associated values have become meaningless to the hill people as the institution of democracy has skilfully been exploited to suppress and subjugate the hill men to perpetual domination.

This dominant policy of the majority Meiteis over the hill men has estranged the hill-valley mutuality and, in turn, induced the hill tribes to look for alternatives to redress their long grievances. For instance, the exclusive policy of the majority community in disregarding the sentiments of the hill people becomes crystal clear in the naming of and allocation of seats in the three Ima Markets, the hub of commercial activities in the State.

It is sad that while the khujru-mujru political leaders compete with one another to invent hitherto undelivered speeches to be delivered at various public gatherings to glorify the three days Nupi Lan (Women's War) for political innings, some local habi-jabi social leaders (parasites) wrestled for maximum seats in the world's lone Women's Bazaar whereas the Hao Apangba MLAs keep on watching considering it as a 'Mad Dog Race' unmindful of its economic opulence and,as result,not a single hill Ima got a seat in the spacious three markets.

In fact, getting a seat in the Ima Markets is far better than the District Council job ! Moreover, if the dominant Meitei community are truly honest in bringing back the hill men into the fold of chingmi-tammi brotherhood, one of the three markets should have been named after the hill 'Ima' as a symbolic gesture of our inseparable common history.

"Actions speak louder than words." And, instead of honey coated, deceptive and diplomatic slogans such as 'Chingmi-Tammi Amatani', 'Eikhoi Amatani', and 'Ching-Tam Apunba Saktam Kaiba Yaroi' etc., pragmatic and hill oriented policies having a humane face toward the hill men will inevitably bring more positive results.

If the hill Imas' ignorance about the high profile seat lobby has forfeit them a seat, being the minorities, they deservesome reservation quota seats because such an act of generosity on the part of the majority community will detoxifiedvirus of alienation and reconciliate hill-valley emotional ditch by creating feeling of oneness among the Imas thereby reviving the past 'Ma-ngaiship'(friendship), a commercial allianceturned into family relationship. Moreover, if we truly believe in the old adage "Chingmi-Tammi Amatani" and truly intend on bringing unity we need to revisit every aspects of past hill-valley relationship.

It may be noted that time has changed and the yester years 'Hao Apangba' insigniaof hill tribes proved to be a misreading of tribal simplicity by the outside world.If simplicity had truly been a sign of intellectual mediocrity, the tribals could not have been a threat to the territorial integrity of Manipur ! However, even though the territorial integrity of our state is at stake, it is still doubtful whether the Meiteis do realise the fact that any attempt to protect the territorial integrity of Manipur sanscollective and sincereparticipation of the Kukis and Nagas will never be fruitful?

The dominant psyche of majority Meitei people over the numerically lesser hill tribes has indignantly drifted apart the diverse ethnic groups for fear of further domination and exploitation.

Today, the greatest threat to the territorial integrity of Manipur is not external forces but the centrifugal forces. Decades of domination and suppression of the hill peoples' interests by majority Meiteis has created a sense of alienation, exploitation and the fear of further exploitation make the hill peoplesought an alternative government outside Manipur Government where they can find fullest development in all aspects of life. While our budget maximising politicians gamblewith public funds to ensure minister equivalent luxury life afterbecoming Defeated Candidates (DCs), ethnic politics has put our State under seize.

Our politicians as well as self-proclaimed social reformers mastermind the public by accusing the central government of 'step-motherly' treatment but are silent about the ethnic politics which unquestionably is the main factor threatening the territorial integrity of Manipur.

The politics of power has scornfully blinded the conscientious minds of society that this tiny state has become a bone of contention between the three major communities. Ethnic politics set a side, the name Manipur itself is a factor of hill-valley divide.

Frankly speaking, the hill men identified MANIPUR with Meitei dominant policy and, therefore, reluctant to identify themselves as Manipuri. Although the generic name 'tribal' carries a stigma of backwardness, the tribal of Manipur preferred to be called tribal than identified themselves as Manipuri. This issue had already been raised in a State Level Conclave at Konnung Mamang, Imphal some years ago where social scientists and intellectuals suggested a new name 'Hao-Kangleipak' to replace foreign imposed Manipur.

Sadly, the forum and its resolutions vanish in the air. The 'Hao-Kangleipak' hypothesis failed in reflecting theaspirations of the three communities as nothing less than political settlement will be acceptable to the three majority communities. The solution lies in re-naming of Manipur to accommodate political aspirations of all communities. If the GOM ever think of re-naming Manipur it would be suggested that 'KANAKUPUR' will be the best option. The 'KA' stands for Kangleipak, the 'NA' for Nagalim, and the 'KU' for Kukiland and 'PUR' for Land.

The political aspirations of all the communities are fulfilled and there shall be peace and unity to fortify territorial integrity of our state. The mainland electoral politics will never bring enduring peace in our state. It's time to negate ethnic politics and realise the organic nature of our composite Kanakupur society. —concluded