"Landmines are uniquely savage in the history of
modern conventional warfare not only because of their
appaling individual impact, but also their long term
social and economic destruction" - Ms Machel
The civil society of the sleepy town of Churachandpur
district, Manipur have finally stood up to deal with
the threats of the land mines or 'weapons of civilian
destruction', that has been gnawing the core of human
rights and existence, civilian casualties, devastation
of economic assets.
Land mines are truly
insidious-cheap to make and easy to distribute but
difficult to detect and expensive to remove. This
response by the civil society of Churachandpur takes a
stand that digresses from the usual interest defined
by narrow boundaries of tribe, ethnicity, language,
etc.
It could be termed as the birth of new social
movements in Churachandpur as the characteristics
reveals the collective interest to confront challenges
that comes from the state government as well as the
armed militants within the state.
This is a
manifestation of the changing concept of security,
which is of course fast changing in the face of forces
determining not only the present but also the
uncertainties of the future. For the multi-ethnic town
of Churachandpur, the old concept of security that was
once very ethno- centric has slowly realized the need
for establishing collective security of all the tribes
inhabiting the space of the district.
What has finally
emerged is the realization of the concept of mutual
security. Pragmatism may still have to travel another
long path, negotiating and confronting the narrow
doors of ethno-centrism.
There is a need for the
people of the troubled torn district to view each
other through a more balanced and representative prism
so that the collective interest surface against that
which is determined by identity derived from tribe,
language, and narrow selfish interest tied to this
worship.
However, as the threat has become too common, with the
booby traps identifying no colors and blood for its
victims, there is an urgent need for redefining the
concept of security, which has to take into
considerations the question of identity and its
definition, if not redefinition, encompassing the
multi-ethnic district.
Churachandpur district can only
claim to be secure if it deconstructs the narrow
fences defined by the overflowing of emotions and
feelings on tribe lines. Otherwise, it has to sink
with the threats from inside as well as outside.
Fortunately, the idea of common security has stirred
the concept of cooperative security, under which
common security is achieved through the cooperative
efforts of all the tribes. The criterion for measuring
security is no longer how secure one tribe feels, but
rather how secure all the tribes can feel.
Human security has taken the centre stage in the space that
was once occupied by civil war, conflicts and
bloodshed on ethnic basis.
A second change for the better is that unlike in the
past, the threatening forces and actors have not
complicated, worsened or divided relations between the
tribes. Rather the situation has once again planted
the shared notion that the issue is not merely
planting of landmines, but goes to the extent of
decoding the hidden agenda of power struggle,
dominance, control.
It looks like the civil society is
already getting tired of its soft approach to the
ongoing developments. They felt the need to locate the
limits of their interest, security and rights as equal
citizens.
On the part of the Manipur Government, a
proactive approach towards fulfilling these
aspirations will go a long way to safeguard not only
the interest of its citizens but also the interest of
the state.
The insensitivity of the government to
grievances, either of citizens at the periphery or
underprivileged strata of the population, which points
at insufficient communication and lack of concern will
certainly go another long way to raise another voice
where the proponents might express their longing for a
space outside their present existence. Here the
balancing act by the state will be desirable than the
state merely "ruling" over them.
Without questioning,
the civil society has been suffering too long from
fear, insecurity, loss of lives and property. The
government ought to restore the political process and
at the same time address the grievances of the
population and win back their sympathy.
The Government
of Manipur ought to implement the promise to "initiate
action to sanitize the entire district at the
earliest" as agreed in the Memorandum of Understanding
signed with the Zomi Students' Federation (ZSF) on
August 24,2005.Although the experience of the state's
ability to be a proactive partner has been looming
large, the civil society took another step to put the
state to test where the issue is of safeguarding the
"Fundamental Rights" of its citizens.
Meanwhile, it is interesting to note that though the
Mine Ban Treaty was a monumental step forward for
mankind, India abstained from voting on the November
2001 United Nations General Assembly resolution for
universalization of the Mine Ban Treaty as it had done
in the previous four years. According to the
International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), India
maintains a stockpile of four to five million
anti-personnel mines which is the fifth largest in the
world.
More than thirty-five countries in the world
have stopped production of landmines and global trade
of landmines has almost stopped, but India along with
fourteen other countries continues its productions. A
visit to the ICBL website reveals the victims of the
Indian State's decision to put landmines along the
1,800 mile border with Pakistan in December 2001.
Thousands of acres of Indian farmland have been
contaminated with anti-personnel and anti-tanks mines.
This has been called the biggest mine-laying operation
in the world. While India has claimed that it is not a
mine afflicted country, media reports indicate that
the Indian Army mined 173,000 acres of land along the
line of control in Kashmir and more than 27,000
hectares including 350 villages in Punjab. This has
displaced thousands of villagers and more than 400
civilians have been maimed as a result of stepping
into these mines.
Since India is not a signatory to the Mine Ban Treaty,
does it mean that India has no international
obligation to protect civilians, including its own
citizens from these landmines?
Is the Manipur
Government's inactivity, despite its promises to
sanitise Churachandpur district, a manifestation of
the Centre not signing the Mine Ban Treaty? The
Government of Manipur ought to take the matter
seriously as the present problem within the district
is a creation and spillover of the ongoing "Operation
All Clear" in different parts of the state that is
sponsored by the Government of India.
In the face of the threat from landmines and the
reluctance and inactivity of the state, the civil
society has raised concerns, which has been victims at
all levels.
Equal concerns for an active co-operation
and unity should constitute the common interest in its
bid to tackle the emerging threats gnawing its
security. Failure to situate this for a long-term
pursuit will be the biggest threat to the population
of Churachandpur district.
The Government of Manipur has to enter into a firm
commitment to interfere in the affairs of its citizens
as the confidence builder for the vulnerable citizens
of Churachandpur district. The district has been
living for years with proliferation of light weapons
or small arms by various armed-groups who acted in the
name of safeguarding their interest that only enthused
the state to activate its effort towards reinforcement
after reinforcement of its military might in collusion
with the Centre.
This has for long proved that it
cannot be the solution to the problem. To a large
extent, while the availability of light weapons has
"weaponised" societal discontent and empowered a
variety of non-state actors that has become a burden
for the state at the moment, the approach adopted by
the state cannot be sidelined.
In the absence of any
dialogue and negotiations, it allows these "light
weapons" to caused a degree of devastation, insecurity
and violence in civil society. These has its immense
toll on human capital gains, welfare and development
that actually took decades to accumulate in the
vibrant, multiethnic district that has by its very
diversity and size, the potential to grow into a
formidable economic, intellectual and cultural pole of
power and influence in the state.
This potential is
eroded to a large extent from within and without by
the presence of a big vacuum left unoccupied by the
state. The vicious circle of this has its spillover on
the civil societies who are still pinning on
democratic expressions and in a more collective manner
to wake the state for a more people oriented approach.
While it is almost impossible to "roll back" or "cap"
the already proliferated weapons of civilian
destruction, the government can still hope to sanitise
the threat by working it out together with the people.
Once laid, a mine may remain active for up to fifty
years. Unless rigorous action is taken, mines placed
today will still be killing and maiming people for
another long time. Cleansing the minefields will
certainly give life back to the community.
The
Government of Manipur ought to take up humanitarian
mine clearance immediately which was an agreed
condition of the MoU with the ZSF.
David Buhril,a research scholar in JNU, contributes regularly to e-pao.net.
The writer can be contacted at [email protected]
This article was webcasted on December 29th, 2005
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