The year 2006 is indeed a remarkable year for Tipaimukh. The issues arising out of the region has resulted in drawing mixed reactions as well as responses from different parts from the globe. As is the case with Manipur, I cannot help but be amused, yet again, by the controversial issues it evoked to this day.

To tell the truth, these are just the tip of the iceberg. Time will reveal more, if given the chances, of the realities, which had been checked due to the complete failure of governance in this region. The doubting Thomas will doubt more because this region has been in the cut-off period for a long time; Thomas has, now, a glimpse of the unfortunate realities that is gnawing the region. However, the doubts still seem to continue.

Even if an amateur filmmaker have made a film out of the controversies evoked by Tipaimukh, who cannot say that the film would received a great number of audiences and applauses for a work well done? If I would be a Director for such a film, I would most probably settle mostly on the comical side—on the contradicting voices and silences, actions and reactions that marked Tipaimukh controversies; rather than on the subject of the face-off for which it became popular. It would indeed be too great a temptation not to be unabsorbed by that.

Without fail, I would categorise the film into the Comedy genre so as to let it portray the grim reality of being part of Manipur. The leading actors would definitely be the Government and the armed militant groups. The others would be the civil society groups, the common people and the mixed responses and attentions, which gave rise to more problems than solutions. So much for the screen talks now.

Tipaimukh Hydro Electric Project:

This proposed project, made controversial by the dubious and shadowed actions of its proponents—the Government and North Eastern Electric Power Corporation Limited (NEEPCO), has its history traced back to the late 1920s when areas in the Barak valleys in Assam were devastated by the River Barak.

Since then natural floodwater control mechanisms has been devised—studies undertaken at downstream sites but were eventually rejected due to the non-sustainability for the project at the studied sites. Finally, the location of the dam axis nearby the Tipaimukh village in the Tipaimukh region of Churachandpur (Manipur), about 500 metres downstream of the confluence of Tuivai River and Barak River, was selected for the proposed project. Thus, the name of the project became Tipaimukh Hydro Electric Project.

The dam project which was conceived to control flood moderation, in later years ultimately became a power generation project. According to official statements, this power project is to generate an installed capacity of 1500 MW. The height for the proposed Dam is to be 162.8 metres. The proposed dam comes under a Large Dam category or Mega Hydro Project based on the classification system of the International Commission on Large Dams (ICOLD) which India's Water Resources Commission (WCD) also adopts.

Economic Development in Tipaimukh:

The magical but elusive term 'development' (socio-economic) is yet to find even a tiny space in the lives of the people in the Tipaimukh. To understand 'development' situation in the region, one may need to strip down the higher echelon of the debates, systems and theories put forth and argued by the 'intellectual elites'. One may need to pull oneself down to the level of the deprived in order to understand their problems and find solutions.

Economic development in this region is a stranger to the people even in its simplest. They have heard of it, they have seen the rapid changes (both constructive and destructive) it brought about in other societies. Yet, in spite of the factors that visibly and invisibly destroy those who have faced development in its crude form, the mindset of the under-privileged hinterland people are like those of innocent children.

They are 'blinded' only by the good prospects it offered. Their eyes focused at a single target i.e., economic development. But for whose fault are they in this situation anyway? Is it theirs? If it is theirs, has any chances been given to them to focus on other targets? If no, then with whom the blame does lies? Most probably the supposedly all-knowing intellectual activists who failed to genuinely understand and argue from that point. And those policy makers, project executors and the already rich and powerful who are guided by greed and power.

The region had almost seen 'development' but vaguely more than 10 years back. But it slipped away—playing hide and seek. Since then, the socio-economic scenario in the region kept deteriorating—popularising gun powders. The rise of such destructive powders can be attributed as the direct result of exploitation, marginalisation, misgovernance, discrimination, dejection, etc.

The outcome in turn took its toll on the developmental work of the region. Looking at the brighter side, the sudden uproars that Tipaimukh made may be for good reasons so as to re-look at the policies every Tom, Dick and Harry have in regards to it. The moral of the controversies can be that better policy can still be chalked out, proclaiming that it is not too late yet for proper governance to have a say. But what can we say, when they happen to turn out to be just a myth.

For the people in this region, the zero projection of their every issue made them numb and is easily swayed by every prospect that would give them a better life and to be at par with others. If a study on the socio-psychological aspect of such a society were undertaken, the result would not be much of a surprise. Faced with no alternatives to improve their life and land, they would be compelled to jump at the first opportunity of any projects to lift them to higher ground.

This is precisely the situation that Tipaimukh is currently confronting. Such situations are often used as weapons to cow down any dissenting voices that may arise; used as bait that if the people want to see development in their region—the proposition is the only bargaining point they have—their future at stake accordingly to their decision. They are deliberately kept from any other choices of salvation. The people became easily won over by false justifications and promises of an economic development. It is an unspoken natural rule today that false promises are part and parcel of governments, even more when time draws near for the days of the ballot-boxes.

Some interpret that the proposed Tipaimukh Hydro Electric Project has being chalked out prioritising the economical development of the people and the region. If that is really true, is the hydro project the only available option left for the government to undertake? Has the government run out of other alternatives? Is it not that there are some other objectives beyond that? Any claim that the Tipaimukh Dam has been proposed for the sole purpose of uplifting the region is too far-fetched. It is a misinterpretation and misjudgement.

One has to keep in mind that government and its projects are never implemented just for that absurd reason. One also needs to take into account the viability of such projects for the government and what it plan to gain from it. It will be against business principles if it failed to gain profits.

Ironically, the world speaks, talks and understands only ecological and financial politics. That brings us to the question on what may be the plan of the State Government of Manipur (GoM) and Central Government of India (GoI). It would mean economical development of the region to some extent, but also at the expenses of the resources from the region itself. For both the government at the state and centre, the project would mean financial generation and an answer to the inadequate power supply for the state and the region.

Unexaggerated Truth:

It is not an exaggeration when it is said that Tipaimukh is completely cut-off from other parts of the world with an absolute absence of governance, no basic civic amenities such as health, education, communication, transportation and other facilities. Time after another, Hmar organisations appealed successive state and central government, but no heed had ever been paid to their prayers. It always fell on deaf ears. Neither the government, nor civil society organisations in other parts of the state and country know or could even comprehend the condition they are in.

The non-availability of governance, poor roads, dense forest, ranges and terrains—this hilly region has always been eyed by armed militant groups from the valleys and adjoining areas. The control on these strategic areas had always been significant, as it would ensure more power and supremacy. It also meant more control over lands other than the over-populated 70x35 kms basin in the valleys.

To the group in control, it would warrant the rights to tax and siphon off foreseen developmental and project funds, read Tipaimukh Hydro Electric Project. Even a child knows the presence of the strong unholy nexus between militant groups, politicians and bureaucrats and now civil society groups in Manipur. Developmental projects are implemented only on papers. Food grains from public distribution system, tankers of kerosene oil, petrol and diesel meant for the public are diverted and the sales from these stolen goods profited by militant groups to support their activities and extend their control of areas.

Taking advantage of the deprived socio-economic conditions, poor communication facilities, absence of civil administration in the areas, militants from the valleys befooled their counterparts in the strategic hills to establish a foothold and influence in the areas. Using the tactics of divide and rule policy, they assisted one group against another. Conspiring to gain the confidence and win the hearts of the hill people, the armed valley militants sell diverted food grains, kerosene and other requirements of the remote villagers at very cheap rates.

Using 'civilians' as their frontal, they purchase lands, built houses, establish business enterprises and slowly penetrate and disrupt tranquillity in the southern hills in Manipur. To the innocent and deprived villagers, who have not seen the good gesture of the government for as long as they could recall, they became their 'saviours'. This was the 'good relations' that the valley militant groups often claimed to have with the remote villagers in their press releases to this day. Good riddance that their own self has unearthed their evil intentions by the extensive human rights abuses in Tipaimukh early this year with serious cases that involved landmine killings, forced displacement and rape. But their footprints and leftovers still destroy and kill to this day.

First-hand account on the deprivation of Tipaimukh:

From August 25 through September 01, 2006 a team of seventy six (76) students, doctors and nurses from several departments of the government of Manipur visited Tipaimukh sub-division. The tour, given the name Natural Expedition cum Free Health Camps, was jointly organised by the Hmar Students' Association (HSA) and Imphal-based Democratic Students' Alliance Manipur (DESAM). The purpose of the tour, it was said, was to collect first-hand account of the living conditions and medical facilities available to the villagers in this remote region who live in constant hardship.

The expedition team faced truth as soon as they started on their journey. They were 'forced' to travel by boats on the Barak River from Cachar district of the neighbouring Assam state to reach the Vangai range in Tipaimukh sub-division. The simple reason why they could not go directly from within the state i.e., directly from Imphal to Churachandpur was because the road (NH-150) condition was too bad for travelling.

All the villages in this region are remotely located; accessible only by foot trekking, river routes or by air (helicopter). Road communications are connected by two major roadways—NH-150 and NH-53, along with few district and village level roads. As the condition of road travelling demands of them, the team favoured the other alternative route—water navigation. There was also this other factor in choosing this route—security caution posed by 'armed forces' along the roadways.

The team visited just about 5 villages in the Tipaimukh sub-division and more than 55 villagers were found to be tested positive for malarial infection. There are more than 50 villages in the sub-division. What if, had the team visited 10 times the villages they had visited and we apply simple arithmetic to the number of malarial infected villagers into an average? That would be approximately 10 malaria infected villagers per village—500 malarial infected villagers for 50 villages.

What about other water-borne diseases like Cholera, Typhoid, Hepatitis, Dysentery, Scabies, Diarrhoea, etc which are said to be prevalent in this region? Are there any health centres? How many of them are properly operated or functional in the sub-division? The 2001 Census of Tipaimukh (Census of India 2001) recorded that there are altogether 19 Health Centres—2 Public Health Centres (PHCs), 16 Public Health Sub Centres (PHSCs), and 1 Community Health Centre (CHC)—for a total population of 24,084 (approx.) in an area of 789.48 sq. km with 55 villages. That is, 1 Health Centre for 3 villages and 1 Health Centre for 1267 villagers.

How many of these 19 Health Centres are actually functioning? How many doctors and nurses are looking after the needs of the villages? Do they have proper operational medical equipments and medicines? If an on the spot actual account is undertaken, the official records would be found to be simply an adulterated claim.

The same can be said of the availability of safe drinking water, hygiene, livelihood, communication, transportation, community development programmes, educational facilities, etc. If that is that, and there is inadequacy in every sphere—what does that tells us? Do we lamely put the blame on them, saying that it's because of their own fault? Is it not that the government care none for them?

What is a government for anyway? Is it not appropriate to say that they are being systematically marginalised and discriminated? If such is the situation, would not it be better and wiser to entrust them with the autonomy to rule their own self, land and resources? Not only would that ensure better administration for development projects to be pursued. It would also mean less headache for the government under whom they are presently hold up. They have been neglected and dejected for too long.

Mixed Responses on Tipaimukh Dam:

It is not unusual that the Tipaimukh Hydro Electric Project evoked mixed responses and attentions from all quarters. It should because the power project is one of the biggest projects, and would also be the largest Dam to be built in Eastern India. It would be unjustifiable if there were no proponents or opponents to the proposed project. It would be a rebuke to democracy. Despite expecting such attentions, the silences on the other interlinked issues—socio-economic development, human rights abuses—made it nevertheless ridiculous.

Tamenglong

Not much assertion is required to say that the Tipaimukh Dam project, if built, will displace hundred of Zeliangrong tribals in Tamenglong, and also submerge their lands and their environmental resources. Not only that, it would also adversely and immediately affect them especially their livelihood and ways of living. Even before the proposed project work has been implemented, apprehensions of the people on the expected proactive action of the government on the rehabilitation and resettlement are justifiable.

Taking into account the failed roles of the government as a responsible guardian supported by its undemocratic policies, it is very discouraging. In such a situation, the people of Tamenglong have no other option but to oppose and say no to the proposed project. Of course, there will be those who would be in support of the Dam project as their pitiable socio-economic circumstances would demand of it.

Imphal

It is fun to watch the hesitated and unhesitant role of the civil society groups in the 'Sanaleibak' on the issue of Tipaimukh. One cannot ignore the contribution by those in the Manipur valleys on the issue of Tipaimukh Dam. I have already given them the credit in successfully raising the Tipaimukh Dam issue in my earlier writings, so it is better not write more on the role played by these groups, who have been silent on the issue of human rights abuses in the Tipaimukh.

Ever since frontal Naga organisations have 'taken up' the issues posed by the Tipaimukh Dam, they pushed themselves on the backbench, watching all the moves, supporting the 'struggle' and also smiling all along on how easy it is to distract the hot issue from Rape to Dam! The rape issue had to go down by hook or crook as the more it went farther, the more it will blot the more than 2,000 years of the 'so glorious' Meitei history. It was a disgracing incident to be wiped off its history. But strangely, that part of the truth has been fated to remain as it is, shielded from distortion.

In regards to the Dam, it would not be in good terms if there were any strong voices of concern as par the AFSPA protests. Such intervention would only imply and substantiate their biasness on the issues evoked by the Tipaimukh. One can also notice the witty use of words in the media in regards to the 'alleged' rape in Tipaimukh and the proposed Tipaimukh Dam.

Should we give it a name—misuse of power? There is no hesitancy in rebuking the Tipaimukh Dam this time round. Tough deal. Also then, what about the Loktak Down-stream Hydro Project, which is to generate 90 MW of electricity? Where are all those hardcore anti-dam activists who are against the Tipaimukh Hydro Electric Project? Why is there no voice of concern to the Loktak downstream project as par the Tipaimukh? What of that? Is this another ugly face of marginalisation against the 'uncivilised hill people'?

Churachandpur

It would be untrue to say that majority of the people in Tipaimukh and other parts of Churachandpur are in support of the hydro project. Support from quarters of some political chamchas does not institute that the people are benefactors of the Dam. As a matter of fact, they do not know much about the proposed project. They are in the dark. But they do know more than anybody—of their socio-economic, cultural and political conditions and their struggle with their marginalisation. We can say, 'they are in' for the economic development prospect.

They also know, from experiences, that they would not be the most to benefit from it. Corrupt politicians, bureaucrats, technocrats, government authorities and officials, contractors, and the robinhoods are the ones who are going to have the days of their lives. Also, they are not deeply aware of the impacts it will have on their social, economic and political life by such a mega project.

Not only that, if we are disturbed by their supposedly 'silence' on the proposed Tipaimukh Dam, it is because of the negative reactions and unsupported voices they received when they wanted to be heard on issues of human rights violations in the district perpetuated by one of the popular secessionist groups from the Manipur valleys. It would be wrong to term them as being too pro-dam, if there is any insistence on that. The mistake is with the majority community who failed to be an elder brother. Self-introspection is much in demand. The people in Churachandpur district are not to be footballed around here and there. They are also humans, not animals.

There is also that factor of desperation that if there were any destructive impacts, it would not do much of any difference to them anyway. What more do they have to loose anyway? Their condition will not improve by 'opposing' to the project as determined by their present condition.

I remember a friend who wrote to me—in early January this year when the villagers in the remote areas in Tipaimukh were made to suffer in the hands of the 'revolutionary' cadres. The village elders sent a heartbreaking letter in Hmar language addressed to Sonia Gandhi asking her to send jetfighters and drop bombs in their villages so that there can be an end to their long endured sufferings. This desperate distress call was itself evidence reflecting their condition. This 'seeing is believing' attitude against a particular group is another awesome tool for disintegration.

Conclusion:

For every undertaking development projects, there are always sacrifices to be made. There is never a win-all situation. That's the pre-condition of developmental projects, which follows the principle of give and take.

At the same time, the quest for economic development should, without hesitancy, involve wise weighing of the viability of the introduced system against the present/old—whether it would do more bad than good as is the objective. There should be an evaluation of the actual stake at hand. This stage is always the critical point in decision-making. This is also when transparency and participatory involvement of communities-to-be-affected need to be rigorously encouraged and sought. Even before that, there need to be an awareness programmes held among the grassroots communities on the destructive and constructive impacts the project would pose to them.

In the case of the Tipaimukh Dam project, there is an absence of such contribution. The communication gap that seeps in between the two actors put the wedge further apart the proponents and the opponents. At one side of the fence (as we currently observed), are those who vehemently opposed the project tooth and nail and on the other, those bend on pursuing the project come what may.

Both actors in this controversial game eventually forget all about the third actor, the main stakeholder of the project—the deprived people of the region who are more confused than ever. Both the anti and pro dam groups are at fault for creating such complex situation. The counter claims and exaggeration on both sides do not seem to solve the socio-economic condition of the deprived.

None have ever tried viewing it from their perspective or take them into consideration from their ground realities. None have even proposed or try introducing other alternatives to their peril. In such complexity the chances for their socio-economic development get more diminished and cornered. It is not far when their chances completely puff away and they are back to square one with their same old socio-economic condition. Whichever way the on going debate and confrontation sways, the most to loose are the already deprived.

The two others will not win either ways. There will not be any winner if it ends in the present dilemma. It will only become a sad ending story with no space for joy on whichever sides. The deprived will become more and more deprived. With no sight for their socio-economic development, they will be forced to be displaced from their homeland for survival, as it already is.

Who knows, that it may have been systematically devised and conspired to uproot the indigenous communities from their lands until it became a no-man's land. And then the abandoned land will be claimed and the rights to it proclaimed by the new occupants!

The vulnerability in exposing further marginalisation of the poor tribals in the southern hills of Manipur to the point of their extinction calls for an immediate reconsideration of the stands taken up by the government as well as the hardened anti-dammers on the controversial Tipaimukh Dam issue.

The socio-economic aspects of these people need to be focused at and should be the centre point in trying to find alternatives to the crisis. Otherwise, it is best to hand over their state-of-affairs to them. But denying them their rights to development, more injustice is perpetuated against them; human rights violation against these poor hill tribals continued.

In the quest for solutions to the confronting issues that prevails in the Tipaimukh, there is a need for an analytic ground realities assessment. With the introduction of prospective economic development, the waves of change that will be brought about should also be checked beforehand so that it does not become detrimental to the people in the long run.

That will be the new actual challenge to be faced by the people of the region. The changes will bring in new forces that the people haven't faced yet. The change in methods of livelihood, lifestyle, globalisation, etc can have an adverse affect on them.

The responsibility of the 'state' and 'non-state' actors, the civil society organisations and intellectual elites is to stand by the deprived and grassroots level people, not against them in the quest for their survival under the same sun. The culture shock, that can leave a long lasting scare on them, has to be minimised. They should be made ready to face the changes brought about.

If Tipaimukh Dam is the answer to economic development, the region's stability, the proponents should first take the people into its confidence; make it into sustainable ecological and environmental friendly medium or mini hydro project that is sufficient enough to provide electric power to Churachandpur and its adjoining areas.

The height of the proposed Dam can be lowered, areas to be submerged minimized, number of villagers to be displaced lessened, checking the possible high workforce from outside the areas (including the valleys) that can over-populate the region and which might further lead to economical, social and political turmoil, the tribals' rights to their land preserved, their culture and language strengthened.

For all these to be a possibility, the government should, without fail, immediate repair and reconstruct the abandoned NH-150 to make the remote villages accessible. The Dam project also should not be made a criteria or an excuse for the establishment of schools, hospitals, good roads and other benefits in the region. The rights of this hill region have been subjected to ridicule enough.

We want electricity, schools, safe drinking water, and hospitals! We want public distribution systems! We want an all round socio-economic development! We want a change from deprivation on all fronts. We are humans.

It is our rights to be treated as humans!