Nation and State-building, Self-determination and Conflict Resolution in Southeast Asia
- Part 1 -
Prof. Dr. Kamarulzaman Askandar *
14th Martyrdom Anniversary of Arambam Samarendra at Khurai on 10 June 2014 :: Pix - Daniel Chabungbam
The full text of the 9th Arambam Somorendra Memorial Lecture which was held on June 10, 2014 at Manipur Dramatic Union, Imphal and delivered by Prof. Dr. Kamarulzaman Askandar of the Universiti Sains Malaysia
Introduction
Mr. President Dr. Debabrata Roy, Chairman of the Arambam Somorendra Trust Dr.
Arambam Lokendra, my friends Pradip Phanjoubam and Dr. Immanuel Varte, ladies
and gentlemen.
It is indeed a privilege and an honour to be in Manipur to participate in the 14th Death
Anniversary of late Arambam Somorendra and pay my respect to him by delivering
the 9th Arambam Somorendra Memorial Lecture.
Let me take you to the world of the Southeast Asians who are close to the people of
this region. We are living in the year 2014. Malaysia is still struggling with the
nation-building process, even if she gained her independence in 1957 and has six
years to go to achieve her Vision 2020 of becoming a developed nation.
Many people in Singapore, most of whom are descendants of migrants themselves,
are complaining that the city-state is being over-run by 'unacceptable' new migrants.
Hate speeches on the internet, blogs and discussion rooms show the intolerance of
many citizens against peoples brought in to do things, which normal Singaporeans
would not do.
Indonesia being the largest country (with the highest number of ethnic groups) is not
spared and has to constantly remind its population of the Bhineka Tunggal Ika –
'unity in diversity' concept and prevent another Timor Leste from being created
within its boundaries. The Aceh war of independence is over. But self-determination
issues are still being discussed between the capital Jakarta and the province Aceh.
Timor Leste on its part is still very much struggling not only with nation-building but
more importantly in the state-building process and survivality.
Thailand has not only the 'colourful' yellow-red power struggle to contend with but
also one of the longest running self-determination struggles in the 'far' south
involving the Malays of Patani fighting for peace, justice and resolution of the
conflict punctuated with almost daily doses of shootings and bombings. These are
happening under the shadow of uncertainty permeating the future of the nation amidst
question of survivality of the monarchy.
All these, though, pale in comparison with the situation in Myanmar – a nation going
through a phase of 'guided transition' in its transformation from war to peace;
towards the direction of a 'national dialogue' and constitutional reform which
promises an end to their problems, if they can pass through the quagmire of the peace
process with the 14 ethnic-states demanding self-determination, justice, and peace.
Then, in this country, there is also the need to overcome the dire situation of the
Rohingyas, one of the most if the not the most persecuted ethnic groups in the world
today.
The Indochinese sub-region is not spared as the countries of Vietnam, Cambodia, and
Laos are still trying to overcome the sufferings and legacies of their fight for
independence and the pains of this struggle. All have suffered a lot and nationbuilding
has been a painful and laborious process. They have the advantage though of
'determined' leaderships not willing to compromise on their goals.
Lastly, the Philippines, too, went through difficult times in overcoming the pains of
nation-building with groups in the southern part of the country mounting their own
demands for a separate nationhood based on their identity and history. Together with
the Patanis of Southern Thailand, the Bangsamoros of Southern Philippines claim the
prize for being the longest running self-determination struggles in the region, going
back about 400 years when they first fought against the Spanish invaders, to be
followed by the Americans and Manila in subsequent years. However, while the
Patani struggle rages on, the Bangsamoros have been involved in peace processes
since the 1970s to secure peace for their region, culminating in the 2012 Framework
Agreement for the Bangsamoro (FAB) and recent Comprehensive Agreement of the
Bangsamoro (CAB) signed between the Philippines Government and the torchbearers
of the Bangsamoro people, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF).
As peace can finally see the light of day in Mindanao, it is good to reflect upon the
question of why it has been so difficult to attain peace in Southeast Asia. Why the
issues that have caused these conflicts, which have their roots in history and are
legacies of colonialism, have been so difficult to resolve. And finally, what lessons
can be learnt from these examples. In this memorial lecture, I will argue that these
struggles are part of the legacy of colonialism and unfinished decolonisation
processes in the Southeast Asian region, and to finally resolve them would be
tantamount to putting the final touches to the picture of peace in the region.
Nationhood and Self-determination
A nation-state is a State that is dominated by a single, majority or dominant nation.
This is in contrast with the 'state-nation' which is reflective of most of what we have
in multi-ethnic societies today – a State with many nations. The fond dreams of many
nationalists and national liberation movements have been to create a nation-state
where a national identity is forged via the consolidation of interests and identities at
the end of a long struggle for independence. Whatever differences that they might
have during the process of achieving independence, the outcome should be one that
celebrates a particular national identity such as a Malaysian identity, a Singaporean
identity, a Burmese identity, a Filipino identity and so on. The belief is that a national
identity will enhance cohesiveness and make it easier for the fledgling nation to move
forward as one.
While differences are acknowledged and even celebrated (tolerated?), they are
constantly monitored for potential problems and ways are constantly being searched
to bridge the gaps. The State for a newly independent nation is used as the instrument,
tool or apparatus not only for ruling the country but also for forging this national
identity. Power in the system is lodged with the dominant group or groups giving
them the advantage over others. In many cases, the dominant group will try to impose
its own characters onto the nation. Even if the original intention was to embrace the
existing diversity, the outcomes at times would differ. For example, despite the 'Unity
in diversity' slogan in Indonesia, the national identity is closely associated with the
Javanese culture. This in return is also translated into national development resulting
in uneven development between Java and the other islands. Outer islands and regions
then complain about the uneven development between the islands, with Java being the
most developed island in the country.
Malaysia started out as country that celebrated diversity, too, but minorities have
registered their grievances complaining about preferential treatment given to the
Bumiputera group, despite arguments saying that these are needed to correct socioeconomic
imbalances between the different ethnic groups. Singapore too celebrated
diversity in the country, even designating the four main spoken languages as the
national languages of the country. The national anthem is sung in the Malay language.
But it soon became clear that English is the main language sidelining the local
languages and that the majority Chinese group would be dominant in all aspects of
this small city-state.
Centralisation of power within the systems in the countries of Southeast Asia added
more problems. Almost all the countries, with the exception of Malaysia, prefer the
centralised or unitary mode of government. Power is concentrated in the capital and
resides with the dominant group. Decision is made on the basis of national interests
and sovereignty lies with the State, not the people. The bureaucracy is not only for
administering the implementation of national policies but also acts as a tool to
consolidate powers of the national government.
This is the flaw of many decolonisation processes.
The struggle for independence between the colonies (except Thailand) and their
colonial masters is soon transformed into a struggle between the new sovereign nation
and the newly independent peoples. The struggle is also between proponents of
State's rights and the collective group rights, which was then illuminated into a
struggle for self-determination. This is especially evident in countries that harbor
groups that have vehemently resisted inclusion into this new state-nation in the
aftermath of an independence struggle.
The existence of such groups is not a surprise in a situation of multi-ethnicity in a new
State. Among the reasons that have been given for their existence include the history
of self-rule in the past; a history of antagonism with and struggle against the dominant
group which can include too a history of violent actions against them; a clear ethnic or
religious identity that differs the aggrieved minority from the rest of the country and
especially the dominant majority ruling the country; uneven social, political and
economic development between the centre and the periphery, and between the
majority and the minority; and existence of kin groups across the border in adjacent
countries.
Profile of Speaker
Prof. Dr. Kamarulzaman Askandar is Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies at
Universiti Sains Malaysia. He is the Coordinator of the Research and Education for
Peace at the School of Social Sciences, Universiti Sains Malaysia (REPUSM). He is
also the Regional Coordinator of the Southeast Asian Conflict Studies Network
(SEACSN). He sits on the board of many international networks including the
Southeast Asian Human Rights Network (SEAHRN) and the Global Partnership for
the Prevention of Armed Conflict (GPPAC). He is active in peacebuilding and
conflict transformation activities around the Southeast Asian region and has worked
in Aceh – Indonesia, Patani – Southern Thailand, Mindanao – Philippines, and
Myanmar. He has published many articles and edited books on peacebuilding in these
areas. He can be reached at zam(at)usm(dot)my
To be continued...
* Prof. Dr. Kamarulzaman Askandar presented this paper for the 9th Arambam Somorendra Memorial Lecture on held on June 10, 2014
This paper is forwarded by Homen Thangjam who can be contacted at homenth(at)gmail(dot)com
This article was posted on June 25, 2014.
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